|
Note To Subscribers
Due to a technical
error, an earlier version of this article was mistakenly sent to
some subscribers on 4 June. Please refer to this following story
as the most recent update on the WSSD. We apologise for the error.
Trade Differences
Dog WSSD PrepComm
Issues related to
trade and finance, including the relationship between multilateral
environmental agreements (MEAs) and WTO rules, continue to deeply
divide countries at the fourth and last official preparatory meeting
(PrepCom IV, 27 May - 7 June, Bali, Indonesia) for the forthcoming
World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD, 26 August - 1 September).
Fundamental differences are also emerging around the purpose of
WSSD and its relationship to the Fourth WTO Ministerial Conference
in Doha (November 2001) and the International Conference on Financing
for Development in Monterrey (March 2002). With the high- level
segment set to begin on 5 June, it now lies in the hands of Ministers
whether and how the World Summit can complement and/or go beyond
Doha and Monterrey.
Painfully slow
progress in Bali
PrepCom Chair Emil
Salim issued a text on Sunday (2 June) combining all ten sections
of his previous Chair's paper into a Draft Plan of Implementation
for the WSSD, including brackets for text not yet agreed-upon. While
trade-related references are spread throughout the document, most
attention has focused on provisions related to trade and finance
in section IX (Implementation), and on the relationship between
MEAs and WTO rules, addressed in section X on an 'Institutional
Framework for Sustainable Development'.
Informal negotiations
on trade and finance issues at WSSD continued on Tuesday night (4
June) among selected delegations, reportedly including the US, EU,
G-77 and Japan. Several of the smaller delegations, including Norway
and Switzerland, which were turned away from the meeting, expressed
concern with the process and stated that they would reject any text
if it was agreed upon in this "green room" style setting.
As BRIDGES Weekly went to press, negotiations had still not been
completed in the working group on an 'Institutional Framework'.
Meanwhile, delegates
are putting together possible elements of a political declaration
and will continue discussions on draft guidelines for partnerships.
A large majority of the trade-related provisions in the text remain
bracketed, with little movement on either side of the debate, which
is split broadly along North-South lines. As one trade source speculated,
the EU and the US are likely to still be awaiting the outcomes of
the work on 'good governance', with compromises on trade provisions
far more likely with a strong text on governance, including national-level
commitments by developing countries. It was unlikely, however, the
source added, that all brackets could be resolved before the World
Summit.
Disagreement over
'added value' of WSSD underlies trade discussion
On trade-related
areas, the US and Australia, and to a lesser extent Canada and Japan,
have again proven most reluctant to go beyond what was agreed in
the Doha Declaration and the Monterrey Consensus on Financing for
Development, restricting themselves to references to the relevant
paragraphs of the two documents, arguing that they represent a sensitive
balance that should not be upset by reopening the agreements. The
US and Japan furthermore cautioned against prejudging the outcomes
of the WTO negotiations launched at Doha, scheduled to conclude
by 1 January 2005. In addition, the US repeatedly emphasised the
need for national-level action and commitments by developing countries.
According to one US delegate, the US believes that WSSD should focus
on environmental protection, thereby providing the third pillar
of sustainable development in addition to poverty reduction and
sustained economic growth, which were addressed by Monterrey and
Doha.
Describing the trade
and finance provisions in the Implementation section as "possibly
the most important chapter in the whole document", the G-77
group of developing countries strongly resisted extensive references
to the Doha and Monterrey paragraphs, which they said were making
the text look like a "banking agreement". Instead, more
"productive, ingenious and legitimate" language was needed
to ensure that WSSD would "build on" Doha and Monterrey
in an effort to achieve the political
objective of sustainable development. The G-77, however, also resisted
the inclusion of environmental language that might add new obligations
for developing countries or thatcould be used by industrialised
countries to justify protectionist measures, arguing that the trade
and finance provisions referred to the economic pillar of sustainable
development and should aim to support economic growth.
In the course of
the negotiations, the EU repeatedly pointed out the need for action-oriented,
sustainable development-related language, arguing that the added
value of WSSD should be to bring a sustainable development perspective
into trade and finance issues by building on the outcomes of Doha
and Monterrey "as part of a process of achieving sustainable
development". Nevertheless, with regard to commitments made
at Doha, the EU preferred to cite Doha language, arguing that the
Declaration was a "complete package" with an "internal
equilibrium". Also, while advocating a "minimalistic approach"
to changing the proposed text, the EU again introduced the highly
contentious issue of core labour standards in the context of trade
despite a request by the chair of the contact group to avoid such
references, leading some to suggest that this move should be seen
as part of the EU's broader negotiating strategy.
Amongst the key negotiating
countries, Norway proved to be most constructive and progressive,
repeatedly stressing the need to go beyond Doha and Monterrey by
including follow-up initiatives. Efforts were also made by Switzerland
to help find compromises between the increasingly polarised positions
of the US and G-77.
The meaning of
coherence
In the context of
section X on an 'Institutional Framework' (formerly 'Sustainable
Development Governance'), significant differences were apparent
during negotiations on the relationship between WTO rules and MEAs.
This is one of the key issues repeatedly raised by civil society
groups, which have called on governments to reaffirm the relative
jurisdictions of MEAs and the WTO. Discussions focused primarily
on the term "coherence", proposed by the EU and supported
by the US. The G-77 strongly opposed this term, fearing that it
might open the door to bringing this issue into the WTO beyond the
mandate agreed at Doha to negotiate on the relationship between
existing WTO rules and specific trade obligations set out in MEAs.
Instead, the G-77
proposed language calling for building the capacity of developing
countries to effectively participate in trade negotiations. As one
source speculated, countries are most likely to agree on the concept
of "mutual supportiveness" -- subsequently put forward
by the EU in response to developing country concerns -- which had
also been included in the Doha Declaration. One observer stressed
the importance of this section of the text, noting that it could
become the most important trade-related outcome of WSSD given that
the trade and finance discussions in the Implementation section
are unlikely to go beyond the previously agreed texts.
Civil society
frustrated with excessive trade focus
Non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) have expressed growing frustration with the
intransigent position of the US in the trade and finance negotiations.
They strongly criticised the text discussed in the contact group
as a "trade document" that lacked sustainable development
elements. In particular, WWF, Friends of the Earth and Oxfam attacked
the EU for what they called a "remarkable U-turn" with
regard to subsidies, contrasting a previous commitment made at the
WSSD preparatory meeting of the UN Economic Council for Europe in
September 2001 to the "removal" of trade-distorting and
environmentally harmful subsidies, while now restricting themselves
to "encourage reform of subsidies that have considerable negative
effects on the environment". The three environmental NGOs furthermore
urged governments to recognise in the text that trade liberalisation
cannot be presumed to automatically lead to sustainable development
and has in fact already led to negative impacts on the environment
and poverty alleviation.
While one financial
expert asserted that the current trade and finance provisions were
largely restricted to development, they cautioned that trying to
renegotiate Doha and Monterrey was a lost cause, and that delegates
should rather focus their efforts on environmental issues as the
added value of WSSD. One environmental source, however, questioned
the point of WSSD if it did not go beyond Doha and Monterrey, suggesting
that the World Summit could complement the other two processes by
providing guiding principles for and conducting an environmental
assessment of the WTO negotiations. The source further said that
WSSD could help enhance the coherence between economic and environmental
governance, in particular between WTO rules and multilateral environmental
agreements (MEAs), and assist in defining in more detail the type
of technical assistance and capacity building needed to ensure that
trade policies become supportive of sustainable development.
Regarding the political
declaration of the Summit, WWF called on delegates to make a clear
statement that trade measures taken pursuant to MEAs should be presumed
consistent with WTO rules unless there was overwhelming evidence
that their application involved arbitrary and unjustifiable discrimination,
and to strengthen the dispute settlement, compliance and enforcement
mechanisms in MEAs. WWF also stressed the need for governments to
assert that "global economic liberalisation" was a "process
driven and controlled by national governments" which governments
must use, alongside other policy instruments, "to deliver greater
social and environmental well-being".
Still to come....
The World Summit
will take place on 26 August - 4 September in Johannesburg, South
Africa. According to press sources, a pre-summit meeting in Brazil
is currently scheduled for the end of June, reportedly involving
Sweden, Brazil and South Africa. Heads of State attending the meeting
are expected to issue a communiqué designed to encourage their peers
to join them in Johannesburg.
Documents of the
meeting are available at http://www.johannesburgsummit.org
and http:// baliprepcom.org. For daily coverage see IISD Linkages
at http://www.iisd.ca/2002/pc4/
Civil society coverage of the meeting: "Eco-equity" and
"Taking Issue", http://www.sdissues.net/SDIN/.
ENB, Vol. 22 No.
31-37, 28 May - 4 June 2002; "NGOs Petition Annan To Intervene
At Bali," UN WIRE, 31 May; ICTSD Internal Files.
|