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WTO: JULY
FRAMEWORK AGREED AT ELEVENTH HOUR
After long and
arduous negotiations over the past two weeks, WTO Members on 31
July agreed on a framework package to keep the Doha Round trade
negotiations alive. After almost a year of stalled negotiations
following the breakdown of talks at the last Ministerial meeting
in Cancun (see BRIDGES
Daily Update, 15 September 2003), Members had set the end of
July as a deadline for agreeing on a negotiating framework package.
The 31 July agreement has allowed countries to send an important
political message that the Doha Round is still alive. As some observers
noted, the agreement came at a crucial time, as both the US Trade
Representative Robert Zoellick and EC Trade Commissioner Pascal
Lamy are soon to leave office, and US presidential elections will
be held in November. While many WTO Members welcomed the agreement,
civil society groups expressed strong criticism, in particular with
regard to the "undemocratic" negotiating process.
During the two
weeks between the release of the first draft July Framework (see
http://www.ictsd.org/ministerial/cancun/docs/JOB(04)-96.pdf)
and the final agreement, Members met in different configurations
and groupings at the officials level in Geneva. A revised draft
was initially expected as early as 26 July, but was eventually released
on 30 July after negotiations at the ministerial level. Among the
30 ministers present in Geneva were Brazil's Celso Amorim, India's
Kamal Nath, EC Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy and US Trade Representative
Robert Zoellick.
The key grouping
of Five Interested Parties (FIPs) -- comprising the US, EC, Brazil,
India and Australia -- met on agriculture both on 27 and 28 July,
and eventually agreed on a text that formed the basis for the final
agreement. The leading role played by the FIPs prompted strong reactions
among other Members, especially the G-10 group of net-importers
of agricultural products, and the G-33 group, which favours the
designation of sensitive products and a special safeguard mechanism
for developing countries. Switzerland and others raised concerns
over the negotiating process, saying they felt excluded and kept
in the dark. In addition to tough negotiations on agriculture in
the lead-up to the release of the revised draft (see http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dda_e/draft_text_gc_dg_30july04_e.htm),
Members also faced significant difficulties in finding compromises
on industrial market access, cotton and development issues. A revised
draft released by the Chair of the WTO General Council, Shotaro
Oshima, on 30 July formed the basis of the final agreement.
New package
focuses on five areas, extends Doha round deadline
The new agreement
emphasises the need to push ahead the talks in five areas, namely
agriculture, non-agricultural market access (NAMA), development
issues, trade facilitation and services. Regarding existing commitments
in the rest of the Doha mandate, including intellectual property,
dispute settlement, rules and environment, the agreement simply
reaffirms continuing negotiations. Acknowledging the limited progress
made so far in the Doha Round, Members postponed the 1 January 2005
deadline for concluding the talks to an as-yet unspecified date,
at least until the sixth WTO Ministerial Conference to be held in
Hong Kong in December 2005.
Among the priority
issues, the framework for future agriculture negotiations adopted
as a separate Annex was widely seen as the main breakthrough (see
related story, this issue). On services, Members attempted to speed
up the negotiations by setting a May 2005 deadline for countries
to table their revised offers. Overcoming a last-minute divergence
among developing countries, Members agreed on language for, inter
alia, special and differential treatment and implementation-related
issues that offered essentially a continuation of ongoing work and
renewed deadlines (see related story, this issue).
Regarding the
Singapore issues (i.e. investment, competition, transparency in
government procurement and trade facilitation), Members agreed to
drop all but one issue -- trade facilitation -- from the Doha work
programme, stressing that "no work towards negotiations on
any of these issues will take place within the WTO during the Doha
Round". On trade facilitation, Members agreed to launch negotiations
"with a view to further expediting the movement, release and
clearance of goods, including goods in transit". The modalities
for negotiations clearly spell out the need for special and differential
treatment, technical assistance and capacity building for developing
countries. This includes a caveat that these countries will not
be required to implement the final agreement in cases where support
and assistance for the required infrastructure is missing or where
developing or least-developed country Members continue to lack the
necessary capacity.
NAMA text
sets out elements of modalities
The unwillingness
of a number of Members to engage in serious NAMA negotiations until
the level of ambition in agriculture had become clearer left NAMA
as the major stumbling block as the talks drew to an end. Consequently,
and in contrast to agriculture, the framework agreement on NAMA
remained comparatively vague, outlining merely "initial elements
for future work on modalities".
Members battled
early on over how much of the controversial NAMA Annex B from the
failed Cancun draft text to retain (see BRIDGES
Weekly, 16 June 2004), and how or where developing country concerns
could best be reflected. In the final NAMA text, they agreed to
include an initial paragraph outlining developing country concerns
in front of the Cancun NAMA language. This initial paragraph stipulates
that "[a]dditional negotiations are required to reach agreement
on the specifics of some of these [initial] elements" -- which
relate to the tariff reduction formula, the starting point for binding
unbound tariff lines, flexibilities for developing countries, and
participation in the sectoral initiatives. While some, mostly developing
countries, appear to view this language regarding additional negotiations
on specifics as sufficiently qualifying their acceptance of the
form and content of the ensuing language, some developed countries
have suggested that the additional negotiations will simply involve
tweaking the elements but maintaining their essential form.
India's industry
groups generally welcomed the NAMA text. "It is satisfying
to see that a number of our concerns have been addressed and reflected
in the deal," said the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce
& Industry. Similarly, the Confederation of Indian Industry,
which saw the text as a much-needed boost for the flagging Doha
negotiations. The US Council for International Business also welcomed
the deal as a "good road map for completing the much-needed
package of trade liberalisation measures". Both Zoellick and
Lamy echoed these positive sentiments, with Lamy adding that the
current language was an improvement over the Cancun text.
Cotton now
part of broader ag talks as priority issue
Following a
deal struck between the US and four African countries (Benin, Burkina
Faso, Chad and Mali), on 29 July, Members agreed to make discussions
on cotton an integral part of the agriculture negotiations rather
than treating the issue on a separate track. In order to address
the issue "ambitiously, expeditiously, and specifically",
a special sub-committee will be established as part of the effort
to "ensure appropriate prioritisation of the cotton issue independently
from other sectoral initiatives". In addition, the Director-General
was instructed to consult and work with relevant international organisations,
including the Bretton Woods Institutions, on the development aspects
of cotton.
Commenting on
the text, Senegal's Minister of Commerce Ousmane Ngom described
the agreement as "an important step in the right direction".
The US cotton industry, however, criticised the deal. US National
Cotton Council Chair Woody Anderson said, "Efforts in the WTO
negotiations to target US cotton are unfair and threaten the round".
Celine Charveriat of Oxfam criticised the agreement for failing
to address the issue of US cotton subsidies, calling the deal a
"serious betrayal of developing countries", in particular
in light of the recent WTO ruling against US cotton subsidies (see
BRIDGES Weekly,
23 June 2004).
Members broadly
welcome agreement...
WTO Director-General
Supachai Panitchpakdi welcomed the framework text as a "truly
historic" achievement. He cited in particular the agreement
to phase out export subsidies and the "significant breakthrough
in cotton trade" as successes. He predicted that the progress
on agriculture, NAMA and development would provide the necessary
momentum for progress to be made in other areas.
Many of the
major players, including the US, the EC, India, Brazil and China,
expressed their satisfaction with the deal. "The Doha Round
is back on track," said EC Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy,
cautioning, however, that "we have only walked half of the
way". His sentiments were echoed by US Trade Representative
Robert Zoellick. "We have laid out a map for the road ahead,
he noted, noting that "the speed limits for how far and how
fast we will lower trade barriers" remained to be negotiated.
Brazil's Foreign
Minister Celso Amorim -- who was praised by both Zoellick and Lamy
for his role in brokering the agreement -- believed everyone had
gained, describing the agreements as "a good deal for trade
liberalisation" as well as "a good deal for social justice",
which he said came together in the decision to eliminate export
subsidies. This more than adequately addresses India's concerns,"
said India's Commerce Minister Kamal Nath, referring in particular
to future reductions in domestic support. "Generally speaking,
the framework is not bad, though the developing countries are not
fully satisfied," Chinese ambassador to the WTO, Sun Zhenyu,
said.
...while
civil society groups express frustration
Many civil society
groups sharply criticised the 31 July deal. They pointed to what
they saw as a secretive and undemocratic process of negotiations,
which they said had excluded civil society organisations and even
many country negotiators. Friends of the Earth International accused
governments of turning a "blind eye to potential environmental
and social implications" of trade liberalisation. They singled
out the NAMA negotiations in particular, which they warned could
deepen the deindustrialisation crisis in poor countries, forcing
them to rely more heavily on unsustainable and harmful exports of
natural resources.
Celine Charveriat
of Oxfam lamented the lack of "cast-iron commitments"
and "clear timeline for reform", adding that "if
rich countries do not immediately put their promises into action,
this declaration will become just one more stage in a long journey
of disappointment and deception". She criticised in particular
the agreement on NAMA, which she said "could lead to the destruction
of developing country industries".
The developmental
group Focus on the Global South described the deal as an "outcome
of the arm-twisting, opaque and exclusionary process of negotiations".
They echoed some Members' concerns that the negotiations had been
dominated by the FIPs group at the expense of small countries.
ICTSD reporting;
"Round-the-clock meetings produce 'historic' breakthrough,"
WTO, 31 July 2004; "WTO agrees to framework pact," HINDU,
31 July 2004; "Subsidies deal revives stalled Doha trade talks,"
FT, 2 August 2004; "Trade Talks Progress, Enviros Try to Shield
Natural Resources," ENS, 2 August 2004; "Doha round enters
stage of convalescence," TERRAVIVA, 2 August 2004; "WTO
Outcome a catastrophe for poor," FOCUS ON THE GLOBAL SOUTH,
1 August 2004; "WTO deal endangers environment, development",
FOEI, 1 August 2004; "WTO deal: Industry offers guarded welcome,"
TIMES OF INDIA, 2 August 2004; "International Groups Denounce
World Trade Pact," ONEWORLD, 2 August 2004; "USCIB Welcomes
progress on Doha Round," USCIP, 2 August 2004.
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