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DOHA NEGOTIATIONS
TO START AGAIN NEXT WEEK IN GENEVA, DAVOS
Negotiations
at the WTO are set to start up again next week, as trade diplomats
return to Geneva a month after the December 2005 Hong Kong Ministerial
Conference. The task before them is formidable. Ministers' main
decision at the December meeting was simply to keep talking: in
order to avert another Cancun-style collapse, they simply put off
discussions on the most contentious issues in the Doha Round negotiations
-- specific numbers and tariff structures for reducing subsidies
and tariffs -- and gave themselves until the end of April to reach
agreement on them.
It is to these
politically and technically complex issues that negotiators must
now turn their attention. Some delegates already suggest that this
April deadline for finalising 'full modalities' is improbably early,
and that June or July would be a more realistic timeline. If an
agreement is not reached by July -- as it stands, the Hong Kong
Ministerial Declaration calls for Members to translate these modalities
into draft commitment schedules by the end of that month -- trade
sources suggest that it will be difficult for them to meet their
stated goal of concluding the Doha Round by the end of the year.
First up is
a week of intensive formal and informal agriculture meetings, set
to kick off on 23 January. The equally intractable talks on non-agricultural
market access (NAMA) follow close behind, with discussions scheduled
for 2-3 February.
The overall
state of the negotiations will be reviewed by representatives from
some 25-30 Member governments at a 'mini-ministerial' meeting on
27-28 January, which will take place on the sidelines of the five-day
World Economic Forum summit in Davos, Switzerland. Indian Commerce
Minister Kamal Nath has indicated that this will be followed by
bilateral and other gatherings among Australia, Brazil, India, the
EU, and the US (the 'five interested parties,' or FIPs), as well
as Japan.
Familiar clouds
have already begun to gather over the talks. A number of developing
country sources have said that rapid movement in the talks would
only be possible if the EU were to offer deeper cuts to its farm
tariffs. On the other hand, in a speech to European Parliament members
on 16 January, EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson blamed the
G-20 in particular for failing to offer new concessions on NAMA
and services, and said that the EU would be willing to let the negotiations
fail rather than "pay for a round with nothing new on industrial
market access, services, geographical indications, or the other
rules that lend strength to the multilateral way of managing out
international affairs." Although most Member governments continue
to insist that they have not lowered their ambitions for a far-reaching,
comprehensive Doha Round agreement, Mandelson said that if the EU's
trading partners did not make the offers that it expected, "Europe
could settle -- reluctantly, grudgingly, at the end of the day --
for a minimalist outcome" to the round.
An immense amount
of complex, technical work must be done -- and quickly -- in order
for Members to reach full modalities in agriculture and NAMA by
the 30 April deadline.
Agriculture
In Hong Kong,
Members agreed to eliminate all forms of agricultural export subsidies
by 2013, with a "substantial part" of this to be frontloaded
during the implementation period. They must now develop disciplines
on 'parallel' export support such as export credit schemes, food
aid, and state trading enterprises "as part of the modalities,"
according to the Hong Kong Declaration.
Specifics about
far more controversial domestic subsidy and tariff cuts -- on which
Members are intensely divided -- were scarcely discussed, apart
from a decision to classify subsidy levels into three tiers and
tariffs into four tiers for the purposes of reduction.
The EU's offer
of an average farm tariff cut of 46 percent -- others argue that
it would amount to 39 percent -- has been criticised as too low
by the US, the Cairns Group of farm exporters and the G-20. However,
some EU member states, most vocally France, have slammed it for
already being too high. It is not clear whether Mandelson's negotiating
mandate from EU member states will allow him to offer further access
to EU agricultural markets, even though several developing countries
believe that this is necessary in order to move the round forward.
Although the
rifts on market access have overshadowed the discussions on domestic
subsidies, some countries would like the US to deepen the 53 percent
cut it is willing to make to its overall permissible level of trade-distorting
support. This, they argue, is necessary to ensure that Washington
would be obliged to reduce the amount of money that it actually
spends on such grants.
NAMA
Members agreed
in Hong Kong to a 'Swiss formula' for tariff reductions, which would
cut higher tariffs more steeply than lower ones. However, they must
now agree on the number and value of the coefficients to be associated
with it -- even more than the structure of the formula, the level
of these coefficients will determine the extent of Members' tariff
cuts. They also need to agree on precisely what flexibilities to
accord to developing countries when applying the formula, as well
as the specifics of the 'non-linear mark-up' approach that they
have adopted for unbound tariff lines.
Countries will
also have to agree on how to operationalise Paragraph 24 of the
Hong Kong Ministerial Declaration, which provides for the level
of ambition in market access for agriculture and NAMA to be "comparably
high" as well as "consistent with the principle of special
and differential treatment (S&D)."
Other negotiating
areas face different deadlines. For instance, the services annex
of the Hong Kong Declaration exhorts Members to submit plurilateral
requests for market access by 28 February -- a little over a month
from now. On specific development issues such as the numerous proposals
to strengthen S&D provisions in WTO agreements, they are expected
to come up with recommendations by December 2006.
The unofficial
deadline looming over the Doha Round talks is not the end of 2006,
but rather the mid-2007 expiry of US President George W. Bush's
'trade promotion authority (TPA).' After the expiry of the Bush
Administration's 'fast track' mandate, it will become unable to
submit any Doha Round deal to Congress for a simple yes-or-no vote
without the risk of facing demands for major amendments. Bush would
have to notify Congress of his intention to submit an agreement
for approval around the end of March, some 90 days before the expiry
of the TPA. Some delegates believe that full modalities would have
to be finalised by July for the round to be concluded in time for
this, in order to allow for the time-consuming work of translating
agreed reductions into adoptable agreements. In contrast, Mandelson
appeared to accord the mid-2007 'deadline' less importance in his
Monday speech, saying that he was "not inclined to sacrifice
quality for speed."
One trade observer
suggested that it would be useful to have some sort of framework
for organising technical work, so as to keep negotiators on track
towards the deadlines. Members' political positions are expected
to become more clear over the next two weeks: mini-ministerial meetings
have, in the past, served to provide guidance to Geneva-based talks.
"30 countries'
trade officials to resume talks: Nath," HINDUSTANTIMES.COM,
15 January 2006; "WTO drive for early 2006 deal faces test
in Davos," REUTERS, 17 January 2006.
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