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G-33 PROPOSES
SPECIFIC NUMBERS FOR SPECIAL SAFEGUARD MECHANISM
An informal G-33 proposal containing specific values
for additional duties that developing countries could apply when
facing agricultural import surges proved controversial at a 24 March
meeting that took place at the end of the recent agriculture week.
This 'special safeguard mechanism' (SSM) is intended
to allow developing countries to quickly put in place high tariffs
(beyond bound levels) on farm imports to shield their agricultural
sectors from import surges or a collapse in import prices. The 42
members of the G-33 have long lobbied for such a mechanism, arguing
that the existing 'special safeguard' (SSG) under Article 5 of the
WTO Agreement on Agriculture can only be used by a small number
of developing countries, and that too in a very limited manner.
Members are still in the process of defining how the SSM would function;
the Hong Kong Declaration stipulates that it will be based "on
import quantity and price triggers."
Paper specifies price and volume triggers, safeguard
duties
The G-33's informal paper proposed specific thresholds
for changes in import price and volume from the three-year average
levels that would trigger the SSM, along with ceiling figures for
additional safeguard duties. The new proposal inserts numerical
values into the blanks that were present in the group's October
2005 proposal outlining how it wanted the SSM to operate (see BRIDGES
Weekly, 2 November 2006).
The G-33 provides for four tiers of increased import
volume levels, each linked to correspondingly higher levels of potential
safeguard duties. A country would not be allowed to impose any additional
duties if the import volume of a particular product increased by
less than 5 percent over the three-year average. For an increase
of 5 to 10 percent, however, countries would be allowed to impose
an additional duty of up to 50 percent of the bound tariff for that
product or 40 percentage points, whichever was higher. If import
volumes went up by 10 to 30 percent, the potential additional duties
would rise to 75 percent of bound tariff levels, or 50 percentage
points. Finally, for increases in import volume that exceed 30 percent
of the average level, countries would be permitted to impose a maximum
additional safeguard duty of 100 percent of the bound tariff, or
60 percentage points.
As for price-triggered safeguards, the paper provides
for safeguard duties to be imposed in two different ways: on a shipment-by-shipment
basis, where the specific amount of additional duties would not
exceed the gap between the import price of each shipment and how
much it would have cost at the three-year average trigger price
level; or on a percentage 'ad valorem' basis that would not be higher
than what is necessary to compensate for the difference between
the import price and the trigger level. The size of the addition
would depend on the size of the price fall. The proposal further
stipulates that developing countries would be allowed to start imposing
shipment-by-shipment safeguard duties if two shipments in a row
of the particular product are at prices at least 5 percent lower
than the trigger level. Levying duties on a shipment-by-shipment
basis is likely to be more effective at restraining imports beyond
the trigger level.
The proposal also specified that if a developing
country's currency has depreciated by at least 10 percent over the
previous year, it would be allowed to calculate the import price
of a product by using the average exchange rate over the preceding
three-year period. This would insulate the country from recent depreciation,
which could otherwise make imports appear artificially expensive
and thus above the price level that would 'trigger' the extra duties.
Differences among developing countries exposed
Discussions on the G-33 paper at the meeting indicated
that it had exposed some differences among developing countries,
and notably within the G-20, about the precise purpose of the SSM.
According to the G-33, the SSM is simply an emergency
measure for affording a measure of protection to domestic farmers,
one that should be available to all developing countries for all
products, and for an indefinite period. Countries that took this
position included G-20 members China, India, Indonesia, Nigeria,
the Philippines, and Venezuela, in addition to, Trinidad and Tobago,
Turkey, Sri Lanka, Zambia, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Kenya, the group
of Asian, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries, Honduras, the
Dominican Republic, and Madagascar.
Opposition came from farm exporters -- both developed
and developing countries -- which argued that the G-33's proposed
SSM could be used as a pretext for protectionism, in turn hurting
the developmental prospects of poor countries that export agricultural
products. They view the SSM primarily as a means of making some
developing countries feel more comfortable about implementing tariff
liberalisation, and argued that the G-33's proposed trigger were
too low.
Some of the countries, which included the US, the
EU, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Argentina, Chile, Malaysia,
South Africa, Egypt, and Thailand, called for restricting the SSM
to products in which trade was already substantially liberalised.
Others argued that products already been partially shielded from
tariff cuts by virtue of their designation as 'sensitive' or 'special'
should not be eligible for the SSM.
Five recently-acceded Members, Croatia, Moldova,
Jordan, Albania and Oman, asked to be granted recourse to the SSM,
a request that received widespread sympathy. Most new Members of
the WTO have particularly low tariffs as a result of bilateral market
access negotiations during the accession process.
Major agricultural exporter and G-20 coordinator
Brazil stayed out of the fray, insisting that the nature of the
SSM was not a big issue. It contended that when the level of ambition
in market access becomes more clear, the SSM will fall into place
accordingly.
Nevertheless, agriculture negotiations Chair Ambassador
Crawford Falconer (New Zealand) suggested that agreeing on the core
aspects of the functioning of the SSM did not require a broad agreement
on farm tariff cuts, saying that Members needed to find a middle
ground between the G-33's fears that an SSM could end up being as
ineffective as existing safeguard provisions and the exporters'
concerns about unfair protectionism.
ICTSD reporting.
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