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BRAZIL
LAUNCHES WTO CASE AGAINST US FARM SUBSIDIES
Brazil has launched a WTO case against the legality
of a broad range of US farm support programmes.
The request for consultations, dated 11 July, is
the first step in WTO dispute settlement procedures. Closely mirroring
a complaint made by Canada earlier this year, it comes at a time
when hopes for a Doha Round agreement - and with it new caps on
agriculture subsidies - are diminishing.
The Brazilian government alleges that since 1999, the US has often
exceeded its WTO spending limits for heavily trade-distorting agriculture
subsidies to support commodities including wheat, corn, sorghum,
cotton, rice, and livestock. It is also targeting some tax breaks
and export credit guarantees, arguing that they are tantamount to
prohibited subsidies.
The case follows Brazil's own successful WTO suit
against US support for cotton growers in 2005. If the two sides
cannot resolve their differences within 60 days, Brazil will be
free to seek the creation of a panel to adjudicate the dispute.
Specifically, Brazil claims that Washington surpassed
its $19.1 billion entitlement for such 'amber box' spending in 2000,
2001, 2002, 2004, and 2005, as well as the prior $19.8 billion ceiling
in 1999. With the exception of 2002, these are the same years targeted
by Canada.
The document setting out the complaint highlights
the US' failure to notify the WTO of its subsidy expenditures since
2001 - before spending under the lavish 2002 farm bill came into
effect - making its compliance difficult to assess. Nevertheless,
"available public information indicates that the domestic support
that the US provided
exceeded its commitment levels"
in 2002, 2004, and 2005, thus violating multilateral trade rules.
The public information Brazil refers to comes primarily from US
government sources.
As for the years from 1999 to 2001, Brazil argued
that the US had improperly notified amounts within its spending
limits, by excluding payments under a range of programmes -- including
'production flexibility contract' payments, market loss assistance
payments, and various disaster relief schemes. In Brazil's view,
these payments should have been classified as amber box support;
taking them into account would have put the US over the limit.
US officials dismissed Brazil's claims, as they
had done with Canada's, arguing that subsidies remained within legal
limits. Gretchen Hamel, a spokesperson for the US trade representative's
office told Bloomberg that the "claims were unfounded when
they were made by Canada, and they are just as unfounded when they
are made by Brazil.''
Hamel also said she was "puzzled" by the
Brazilian government's decision to target an export credit guarantee
programme, saying that Washington had already modified the scheme
in question in response to the cotton ruling. The US' compliance
with that decision - disputed by Brazil - is currently being examined
by a separate panel.
Brazil emphasised that the systemic significance
of the matter justified pursuing a case of its own, even though
it had previously signed onto Canada's request for consultations.
A press release from the Brazilian foreign ministry
said that "mere participation as a third party in the dispute
recently brought by Canada on the same subject would not offer an
opportunity commensurate with Brazil's needs." As a third party,
Brazil would have been able to make presentations to the dispute
panel, but would not have been eligible to take any retaliatory
action.
Canada has openly acknowledged that its case aims
to pressure Washington to cut trade-distorting farm subsidies, both
as part of the Doha Round negotiations and as Congress writes the
new farm bill mapping out future agricultural spending. Ottawa requested
consultations with the US in January, and in June sought the creation
of a panel to rule on the dispute after the disagreement could not
be resolved (see BRIDGES
Weekly, 13 June 2007). The US blocked this request, but is unable
to do so a second time. The Canadian and Brazilian cases are so
similar that one source said that panels in the two cases could
conceivably be fused.
Notably, Brazil's request did not mention the issue
of whether US farm subsidies were distorting world prices to the
detriment of producers elsewhere. Trade-distorting subsidies with
such adverse effects are not permitted under the WTO Agreement on
Subsidies and Countervailing Measures. In its initial request for
consultations, Canada had argued that US corn subsidies were causing
such "serious prejudice," undercutting Canadian farmers
and pushing down world prices. However, it refrained from asking
the dispute panel to investigate the issue.
If the WTO talks collapse completely, a series of
disputes may follow, as countries seek to win through litigation
at least part of what they could not achieve at the negotiating
table. Many of these could deal with agricultural subsidies that
cause "serious prejudice" to farmers elsewhere.
Development campaign group Oxfam has identified
several US and EU farm subsidy programmes that would be vulnerable
to WTO challenge, either for adversely affecting farmers in developing
countries or illegally encouraging the use of domestic inputs in
processed goods. US subsidies to corn, rice, and sorghum were pushing
down global prices for the commodities, Oxfam said in a November
2005 paper, affecting farmers in developing countries as diverse
as Argentina, Haiti, Ghana, Guyana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia.
However, current high commodity prices for corn in particular -
and the resulting drop in subsidy disbursements - may make "serious
prejudice" hard to establish.
The same report contended that Brussels' largesse
to tomatoes, peaches, and citrus fruits was denying commercial opportunities
in the EU or elsewhere to producers in countries including Brazil,
Chile, and China.
However, some trade analysts warn that a spate of
controversial new dispute ruling would put a serious strain on the
WTO system, and could boost support in the US Congress for pulling
out of the multilateral institution altogether.
ICTSD reporting; "Brazil Files Broadest Attack
on U.S. Farm Aid at WTO," BLOOMBERG, 12 June 2007.
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