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AG
CHAIR TO ISSUE REVISED DRAFT TEXT BY END JANUARY
The chair of
the WTO agriculture talks has told Members that he plans to circulate
a revised draft 'modalities' text by the end of the month, setting
out formulae and figures for tariff and subsidy cuts.
Negotiators
have been keenly awaiting the detailed draft deal, which would represent
an important milestone on the long and uncertain road to a Doha
Round agreement on liberalising global trade. It would update a
July 2007 text that provided little in the way of specifics on several
issues in the talks.
At an 11 January
meeting of the negotiating committee, which was open to all Members,
Chair Ambassador Crawford Falconer (New Zealand) told delegates
that there had been 'significant progress' in the two weeks of informal
'room E' consultations he had held since 3 January. These consultations
were among 37 delegations representing a cross-section of different
interests in the talks.
Signs that the
EU could now consider elimination of the 'special agricultural safeguard'
were particularly constructive, the chair told the meeting. This
mechanism, designed to allow farm imports to be restricted in the
event of import surges, has been used extensively by the EU and
others to maintain high tariffs on certain products, to exporters'
longstanding dismay.
Negotiators
had been responding to some sixteen 'working documents' the chair
had circulated from November onwards in an effort to identify areas
of possible convergence in the talks (see BRIDGES
Weekly, 7 November 2007). Eight papers on market access were
circulated on 4 January, following four on domestic support before
the WTO's December holiday.
While the chair's
suggestions for the most controversial 'headline numbers' for percentage
cuts to tariffs and trade-distorting subsidies remained unchanged
from those in his July 2007 text, in other areas he had tried to
capture progress that has emerged since September. Members have
been trying to resolve a number of technical issues, such as precisely
how some exemptions to standard tariff cutting obligations will
operate, before sending a draft text to ministers for agreement
on the most divisive questions.
Trade sources
reported that the EU was pressing hard for governments to consider
the upcoming revised text alongside other Doha Round issues such
as industrial goods, in a so-called 'horizontal process'. This would
allow countries to assess cross-sectoral tradeoffs, for instance
between industrial tariff cuts and farm subsidy reduction. In contrast,
the Cairns Group of efficient agricultural exporters as well as
the G-20 and G-33 developing country alliances would prefer to first
discuss the new text in the agriculture committee. The US was reportedly
also sympathetic to the latter idea.
Market access
The talks on
market access have been the most controversial, with some difficult
unresolved issues such as a new 'special safeguard mechanism' for
developing countries not discussed at all during the last two weeks.
A separate but
similar mechanism, the special agricultural safeguard (SSG), did
see some progress. Most developing countries have been unable to
use this already-existing tool for technical reasons. It has been
invoked mainly by developed countries to defend against agricultural
import surges. Members such as the EU have used the SSG permanently
to protect certain products, such as sugar, since the WTO's creation.
Efficient agricultural exporters in the Cairns Group have long called
for the SSG's abolition - in direct opposition to the EU, which
wanted it preserved.
Now the EU appears
to have softened its stance. It has proposed that the SSG could
be eliminated, perhaps over a 7.5 year period rather than the standard
5 year implementation period currently foreseen for most obligations
-- so long as the higher safeguard tariff on products that had benefitted
from SSG protection was taken into account when calculating their
new post-Doha tariff commitments.
Falconer's working
document on the issue presented various options: the SSG expires
from the start of the implementation period; would be applicable
on a reduced number of tariff lines; or would be subject to tighter
constraints.
Special products
The extent to
which poor nations should be allowed to shelter 'special' products
from tariff cuts has pitted the G-33 bloc of developing countries
against several farm exporters, both developed and developing.
WTO Members
have agreed that 'special products' will receive gentler tariff
cuts on the basis of food security, livelihood security and rural
development concerns, but remain divided on the number and tariff
treatment of such products.
Falconer's recent
working document on special products proposes allowing countries
to select either 7 or 12 percent of tariff lines, to be cut by an
average of twenty percent, with a minimum 15 percent cut and a maximum
reduction of 25 percent. In an April 2006 'challenges paper', Falconer
had envisaged allowing developing countries to select between 5
and 8 percent of their agricultural tariff lines as 'special' with
slightly lower tariff cuts (see BRIDGES
Weekly, 2 May 2007).
The new paper
also contemplates an additional tier of another two to five percent
of tariff lines, dubbed 'super-specials'. These would have to meet
a lower average reduction, say 5 percent with a 10 percent maximum,
with some eligible to be fully exempt from tariff cuts.
Full exemptions
for some products, which the G-33 insists are essential, have met
with equally vigorous opposition from exporters. "We have still
to resolve the most difficult question of whether there shall be
tariff lines with no cuts," Falconer wrote, although he expressed
the view that some exemptions would be necessary for a deal to be
reached.
The G-33, had
long called for developing countries to be allowed to designate
at least a fifth of their agricultural tariff lines as special with
half of these exempt from liberalisation. On 14 December, it circulated
a paper conceding that 20 percent of tariff lines should be the
maximum rather than the minimum permitted number of special products.
Of these, the G-33 said, 40 percent should be exempt from tariff
cuts, another 30 percent should be cut by eight percent, and the
remaining 30 percent should be cut by twelve percent. In his working
document on special products, Falconer included similar figures
in square brackets as a potential alternative approach.
Exporting countries,
meanwhile, have continued to argue that no products should be completely
exempt from tariff cuts. Some suggest that even the latest G-33
proposal could leave current duties unchanged on as much as 90 percent
of imports. All special products should be required to correspond
to 'indicators' demonstrating how they relate to food security,
livelihood security and rural development criteria, they have argued.
The need for a link to indicators would be obviated, however, by
the chair's proposal for a guaranteed minimum number of special
products.
Sensitive
products
Also controversial
have been the 'sensitive products' which both developed and developing
Members will be able to shield from standard tariff cuts, in exchange
for expanded import quotas. Importers such as the EU and G-10 group
of countries with high tariffs have opposed Cairns Group calls for
this mechanism to guarantee substantially increased market access.
Members have
yet to reach agreement on the level of detail at which products
should be designated as sensitive. While exporting countries had
favoured designating products at the broad product level ('milk),
importers have preferred using more specific sub-categories ('powdered
low-fat milk'), so as to avoid using up the limited allotment of
sensitive tariff lines on products that are not especially sensitive.
While importing
countries have now shared with other Members their data on domestic
consumption -- the agreed basis for quota expansion -- exporting
countries are worried that this data remains provisional in status.
They have also expressed concern that importing countries have accounted
for domestic consumption of the processed forms of certain products
separately from the raw materials, thereby reducing the domestic
consumption base on which quota expansion will be calculated. Some
exporters are thus arguing that clear information on consumption
levels and quota amounts should be included in the modalities draft
as an annex.
The Cairns Group
also favours establishing one new quota commitment per product at
the broad product level. Trade sources reported that importers appeared
ready to agree to this, on condition that two quotas be established
for poultry (for fresh and frozen), and beef (for high quality beef
and other cuts). Some exporters are still concerned, however, that
they would not know how the increased access would be shared across
these sub-categories.
Domestic
support
One delegate
described the discussions on domestic support as being "more
mature" than those on market access, with Members having managed
to narrow down the outstanding issues to high-level political decisions
such as the percentage cut in overall trade-distorting support (OTDS).
The chair's
papers in this area covered new caps on OTDS, as well as disciplines
on its composite elements - the amber box, blue box and 'de minimis'
payments.
Falconer's new
paper proposes that the three largest subsidisers -- the EU, the
US and Japan -- lower their ceiling on OTDS spending by one third
at the start of the implementation period, with other developed
countries to undertake a 25 percent cut. The chair had previously
suggested in his July paper that these countries would all undertake
a twenty percent cut initially. Remaining reductions would be implemented
in equal steps over five years.
Developing countries
that provide such subsidies would be granted special treatment,
with some being exempt from reduction commitments, and others benefitting
from a lesser initial cut and a longer eight-year implementation
period.
While the chair's
July text had not proposed an initial reduction in the ceiling for
amber box payments, his new working document proposed that the EU,
the US and Japan undertake a initial 30 percent cut, followed by
equally-sized cuts over the next four years. Other developed countries
could space their cuts equally over five years. Developing countries
would again benefit from a lesser cut, exemptions or an eight-year
implementation period. Delegates familiar with the consultations
said that Members such as Switzerland, Japan and the EU had opposed
the new changes.
In Falconer's
room E meetings, Members continued to debate which years should
be chosen as the base period for calculating the new ceiling for
US product-specific support. The US had objected to the choice of
1995-2000, the period which would be used for all other Members,
preferring instead to use the 1995-2004 period when their higher
overall payments would result in a higher future subsidy cap. The
EU reportedly expressed concern that a special exception was being
made for the US in this area.
After the
revised text
Members admitted
they were unsure what would happen after the chair released his
draft text. One warned that the modalities draft would need to be
explicit about how WTO rules would be amended so as to address Members'
different concerns. Clarity on this issue, as well as on sensitive
products, would be important before a 'horizontal process' is launched.
One delegate
speculated that Members might have to engage in another six weeks
of intensive consultations in Geneva once the new text had been
released, until mid-March. Another noted that Falconer may not want
to bring out his text immediately before a planned 5-6 February
session of the WTO General Council, to prevent the text from dominating
discussion at the meeting.
ICTSD reporting.
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